Toni Strubell i Trueta

octubre 27
The struggle for home rule in Ireland was to have a considerable influence on Catalonia in the second half of the 19th Century. Although the effective politization of nationalism in Ireland was a much earlier phenomenon than its equivalent in Catalonia, it being hard to find Catalan equivalents for figures such as Molyneux, Wolfe Tone or Grattan, the Irish emanipation movement -especially the activity of Parnell- did help to trigger off significant developments. The reasons for this delay are multiple and may largely be put down to the lack of a formal parliamentary system, the three dynastic Civil Wars that disrupted the century, and, last but not least, to the suppression of all Catalan government institutions by Philip V, who granted absolute supremacy to the Council of Castile, as of 1714. In my opinion, these elements, as well as the absence of the political catalyst that religion played in Ireland, all made for a less fertile setting for an earlier Catalan political awakening. All that remained after 1714, or apparently so, was the intermitent appearance of political pamphlets and residual guerrilla operations in a period when few imagined that the Catalan nation could ever recover its former political status. In this sense it is significant that one of the first poets to recover Catalan as a cultivated language, Joaquim Rubió i Ors, was to proclaim that Catalan literature had been brought back to life in a way that Catalan politics never would or could be. A mindframe doubtless reflected in the apolitical and largely culturalist leanings of early mainstream Catalanism. Between the 1860s and the end of the Century, however, there is a slow recovery of national awareness, despite the initial reluctance of mainstream conservatives to meddle in politics. What greatly helped to change this situation was the loss of prestige suffered by the Spanish two-party system, principally motivated by the blow taken with the independence of Cuba in 1898. The exemple of other political events, such as the German and Italian unification processes or nationalist and federalist developments in Bohemia, Greece or Switzerland, was also important in spurring on the appearance of Catalanism as a political option. And it is arguably the exemple of the Irish emancipation movement that did most to progressively encourage it, especially in its more radical and theoretical formulations. What some may find surprising to find though, is that it was a Federalist Republican, rather than a strict Catalanist, who was to be principal propagator of the Irish model. His name was Josep Narcís Roca i Ferreras, whom I shall from now on refer to as “Roca”. Born in 1834, Roca was a pharmacist, though he was very active as a political analyst and journalist. He was never to be an influential politician, and never stood for office nor held posts in any party of the period. However, he did make a major contribution to the Catalan emancipation movement in the form of a large volume of articles appearing in several of Barcelona’s major papers and periodicals. Written largely in the 1870s and 1880s, these articles qualify him as the first and most solid theorist of the recovery of a Catalan Republic, very much along Irish lines. Roca, however, was not the first Catalan to write about Ireland. As far back as 1866, Joan Mañé i Flaquer –a radical liberal, later to be long-standing editor of Diari de Barcelona– had approached the Irish conflict in a Madrid periodical. Though sympathetic to the autonomist movements that were beginning to command influence in Ireland, Mañe i Flaquer at no time advocated secession as a solution to the question. Nor indeed did his articles speculate on Ireland as a model for Catalonia. More explicit in his political sympathies were the articles of Francesc Romaní i Puigdengolas in the 1880s. A lawyer, banker and politician, Romaní had a clear commitment to the idea of Catalonia as a nation. He writes about Ireland as a valid model for the autonomist and federalist cause in Catalonia. The novelty Roca represents, as an observer of the Irish political scene in the 1880s, is twofold. On the one hand, he openly and increasingly advocated Irish statehood, in contrast with most contemporary orthodox Catalanists, who were clearly not separatist. And, on the other hand, in the last seven years of his life, he indulges in a singular campaign to bring on active Catalan commitment and support for the developments occurring during Parnell’s leadership. Yet, what makes Roca’s contribution particularly relevant is the fact that he highlighted Parnell’s policies as a direct model for Catalan emancipation. With wide respect across the board as a progressive analyst, he was able to inform readers of events in Ireland in two mainstream Barcelona Spanish-language newspapers, El Diluvio and La Publicidad, neither of which were consistently or primarily Catalanist. It was on the front pages of these and other Barcelona papers that Roca spread the word about events in Ireland. It is reasonable to suppose that many Barcelona-based readers, nationalist or not, must have had access to the Irish issue through Roca’s articles. In this sense, he was probably the first columnist to familiarize them with terms such as “home-rulers”, “boycott” or “self-government”. When establishing a chronology for the eruption of Catalan interest in Ireland, particularly through Roca’s articles, the mid-1880s are clearly a starting point. Key political achievements in Parnell’s campaign for home rule coincide with significant –though distinctly lower-key events in Catalonia. The first Catalanist Congresses had taken place in 1880 and 1883. The Republican Federalists and orthodox Catalanists had now reinitiated legal activity after the repression exerted by the Spanish authorities after the Bourbon restoration of 1875. And an ambitious Catalanist association, the Centre Català, or Catalan Centre, had been founded in 1882 to unite and defend the “moral and material interests” of all Catalans. In 1885, this movement presented a Memorandum of Grievances before King Alfonso XII, calling for administrative, judicial and cultural reforms not too dissimilar to, though not as ambitious as, Parnell’s own. 1886 is to be the year that things come to a head, with the famous Novetats Theatre Meeting in July, sometimes considered one of the key moments in the political birth of Catalan nationalism. And one in which Roca played a central role. Here it is our objective to see how Ireland was to become Catalonia’s clearest model for nationalist politics by way of the writings and activities of Roca and his group. The most noteworthy of which, as we shall see, will doubtless be the presentation of the famous Manifesto, “Message to the Irish”, in the Spring of 1886. Despite the 1886 defeat of the Home-Rule Bill in the House of Commons, Roca presents the whole episode as a “triumph” in a good many articles centred on the question. He sees that the very presentation of the Bill at Westminster meant that the emancipation of Ireland had taken a centre-stage position in British politics. Thus, in December 1886, Roca writes about the “great triumph in our day of the cause of regional independence and nationalism in Ireland”. Significantly, in his articles, he regularly refers to Parnell as the “Washington of Ireland”. For Roca, Parnell’s political success was enabled by the existence of freedom of press and other political rights in the United Kindgom, on all scores superior to those in Spain. Let us remember that in 1878 and 1886, Roca himself was to suffer emprisonment and criminal prosecution for two of his articles. Roca also constantly praises the generosity and statesmanship of Gladstone. He stresses once again the need there is for Spain to come up with a Gladstone of her own, so that the Catalan question may be solved. One article is indeed titled: “Who will be Spain’s Gladstone”? a question that, incidentally, seems to have met with no answer 129 years along the line. Yet it is to be the social ingredient to Parnell’s politics that is be the recurrent and major target for Roca’s attention and praise. He clearly perceives that Parnell’s success stems from his intensive social involvement in the Land League and the struggle against evictions and landowner abuse. The main message behind Roca’s Irish articles is that, without the kind of social agenda driving Ireland’s successful home-rulers, Catalan nationalists will fail to become influential. In one 1887 article he writes: “Irish nationalists, far from limiting their scope to political, juridical, or philological affairs, which only interest the middle class, have reached out to the popular classes, to the disinheritted who own nothing, to the serfs suffering the abuse of the gentry, and the Irish Fourth Estate, on seeing that the issue was not exclusively political, juridical or linguistic”. Which is surely a dig at the mainstream Catalanists and their excessively cultural approach to the whole Catalan question. Roca also repeatedly harps on the effects that the failure to interest the Catalan popular classes in the nationalist cause would have. In one 1887 article he proclaims: “if the people do not raise the building, if they fail to back the cause, and regard it with indifference, even though it may be benevolent, our cause will fail to take off.” Roca not only insists on the need to adopt the Irish model, but also stresses the exemplary and unique nature of the Irish struggle for home-rule. In another article called “The Irish people”, in May 1887, he says: “One of the characteristics that distinguishes Ireland from other moviments of regional vindication, is the active and major role that is played there by the popular classes... both in the city and in the rural districts”. This latter quote is taken from an article which appeared in a monographic edition, on Ireland, of the periodical L’Arch de Sant Martí, the Rainbow. It was to be the first and foremost Catalan language media for the propagation of Catalanism and Roca’s ideas in the 1880s. It was to be instrumental, and radically committed, to the introduction of the Irish question in Catalonia. Roca’s article goes on to underline the confidence the Irish have in the home-rule leaders, a feature that contrasts to the situation in Catalonia, where he defines contemporary political representatives as mere “State party slaves”. Despite the defeat the Home Rule Bill has suffered, he feels that, and I quote , “the Irish cause is triumphant even as it is defeated because support for it is not limited to the more enlightened and culturally aware part of the middle class, but rather embraces the whole country”. For Roca, Ireland is therefore the laboratory where the model for national emancipation he defends is most clearly being applied. Using terminology that smacks of the French Revolution, but which also takes us back to the Catalan resistance of 1714, he insists it is to be the arm -or “braç”- of the Fourth Estate, that must head the struggle. “Glory to the Irish people, strong arm of the nation and solid broad-based foundation of the national cause... A similar glory is deserved by the Catalan people who must support and raise with their mighty arms, the cause of the vindication, personality and autonomy of the nation. Without the popular classes, our home-rulers will gain nothing”. In return, though, he claims that the popular classes too, will continue to be slaves, if they do not embrace the cause of national emancipation. If they did so, he adds, they would be disregarding an age-old tradition. Ireland is the model to ensure that both steps are taken. A series of nine articles follow on the Irish issue in L’Arch de Sant Martí. Along with others in Spanish language media with larger editions, the articles in this periodical provide the Catalan moviment with fresh insights into the Irish issue. In November, one article expresses Roca’s concern about leadership shortcomings. Neither does he see Spain capable of producing a Gladstone to chaperone the Catalan cause, nor does he see the Catalan cause capable yet of producing the kind of leadership Parnell and O’Brien stand for in Ireland. He also provides information on the evictions of tenant farmers and the parliamentary and street actions aimed at countering them. Roca’s identification with the Irish struggle becomes so intense that in the Spring of 1888 he actually declares himself to be an Irishman, refusing to consider the Irish as foreigners. “We hereby exclude Ireland from the concept of being foreign. Ireland is no longer a foreign country for us. For us (Catalan) home-rulers, Ireland is now the Catalonia of the United Kingdom.” In February 1888, he even goes as far to say that L’Arch de Sant Martí is now an Irish periodical. The religious question in Ireland is one which especially attracts Roca’s attention. Himself a confirmed atheist, he insists on informing his readers that the Irish moviment must by no means be associated with religious fanaticism. He also points out the constant insistence there is in Ireland on the question of civil rights and personal freedom would dismiss the insinuations of Spanish unionists, who try and smear the Irish movement with the accusation of religious fanaticism. Roca dispells this by assuring that the creation of national institutions of self-government will reinforce civil rights in Ireland. In one article he stresses: “...It is not the clergy that is urging for autonomy or revolution. It is the common people who are putting pressure on the Church to follow the national cause”. Roca insists that the official Catholic Church will never raise a finger to favour the Irish cause if by so doing it will offend what he calls the “Protestants of Westminster”. Roca informs in his articles of the Tory bid to make the Pope forbid Catholic priests from supporting the Land League. As I mentioned before, the culminating moment for the introduction of the Irish issue in the Catalan debate came in the Spring of 1886 with the presentation of the Manifesto “The Message to the Irish”. L’Arch de Sant Martí, doubtless inspired by Roca, launched the idea of addressing a letter of support to Parnell. The short message wished to show sympathy for the Irish cause, in the hope that one day the Irish might also send the Catalans a similar kind of message. Over six thousand Catalans, of all the social and geographical adscriptions, signed the Manifesto. The repercussion of the gesture is doubtless proven by the fact that Edward O’Sikley’s answer to the Catalans, on Parnell’s behalf, was reproduced in thirty-six Catalan, Spanish and French periodicals of the period. It is to be a prelude to a period of Catalan nationalism in which the Irish model was to be an increasingly relevant point of reference. In the short-term, helping to provide models for national emancipation. Even in apparently off-centre issues. One particular area Roca shows interest in is the strengthening of political links with Catalan settlers in America -as the Irish Republican Brotherhood had been doing with Irish emigrés since 1858- an iniciative that had immediate repercussions amonst Catalans in Uruguay and Cuba, and later in Argentina and elsewhere. This concern -incidentally- even went as far as to investigate the somewhat extravagant possibility of copying a Chicago Irish community idea of setting up an Irish state in America. In conclusion, we may say that the mark Parnell’s emancipation movement made on Catalonia, as propagated by Roca and others, was significant and multifaceted. We may measure it, on the one hand, in the widespread impact Terence MacSwiney’s death had in 1920 –when thousands came out in the streets to show their support for him- but also in more anecdotic questions such as the appearance of a radical group called Nosaltres Sols – Sinn Fein, in 1931, or attempts to create a stable armed unit in the 20s. However, it is unquestionably in the genesis and politics of the movement led by Francesc Macià, who in 1931 was elected President of Catalonia, that we can confirm that the Irish model was to have a lasting and deeply engraved influence on the Catalan emancipation movement and its polítics.

octubre 25
Last Tuesday 15th October, the Catalan issue came to the fore at the House of Commons, Just as it had done 306 years ago back in 1714. On this occasion -not so very differently- in the wake of the announcement of draconian prison sentences for nine of Catalonia’s more prominent political prisoners. Today, after years of the EU’s leadership buying Spain’s perverted view of events, it is soothing for many Catalans to hear that minister Christopher Pincher’s mealy-mouthed and corporative justificaction of Spain’s brutality should have met with indignant response across the floor. Significant indeed was Sir Desmond Swayne’s (Con) description of the sentences as “shocking, horrifying and a reminder of a former Spanish regime” or shadow minister Emily Thornberry’s (Lab) as “incredibly harsh” and “the judicial equivalent of what we saw from the Spanish police on the streets of Catalonia two years ago: unnecessary, heavy-handed and entirely counterproductive”. After two years of relative quiet (since the Dantesque attacks on voters at the October 1st Referendum), the massive demonstrations and protests against Madrid’s sentences have once again brought Catalonia centrestage at a time when many were maybe beginning to think the battle was over. Let it be known that Catalan determination is now maximum after the savage sentences. For many, the Rubicon has been crossed. As one Catalan philosopher put it, “the Catalan mental frame always sprouts afresh to outlive its illustrious gravediggers”. On this occasion, once again, Spain’s traditional disregard for a political approach to the issue guarantees that the Catalan drive for independence is in no way backpedaling. One factor that leads us to believe this is the perception that a scenario for another “easy” Spanish victory over Catalonia is less plausible than it was in 1714 or 1939. Today, the more overtly repressive measures and international connivance of past times are not so readily available to Madrid governments. Although Juncker has done his bit, neither Louis XIV nor Hitler will be there to bundle Spain out. Parallel to this, Madrid’s attempt to sell the idea that the Catalan movement is “terrorist”, Erdogan-style, is backfiring miserably as the whole world has seen that middle-of-the-road support for Catalan independence is both peaceful and transversal. Now support for the political prisoners is no longer the cause of a handful of brave activists blocking motorways. It’s now embraced by a clear Parliamentary majority, prestigious business associations, Chambers of Commerce, 90% of all Catalan city and town hall governments, all the Catalan universities, a wide range of youth organizations, significant portions of the Church, Barcelona’s Liceu opera house audiences, dockers, trades unionists, sportspeople, you name it. Significantly, they have even had to postpone the Barcelona FC–Real Madrid match this week for fear of major protests. But will things have calmed down in December when they play? I have my doubts. Parallel to this, even one portion of those opposed to independence have shown evident signs of shock at the severity of the sentences. No doubt, we are before a scenario in which more sympathy for independence will be triggered off. Evidently, the State only has itself to blame. Sentencing seven Catalan ministers and two popular social leaders to between thirteen and nine years of prison, after two cruel years of preventive emprisonment, may seem normal to some. For exemple, to those conned into thinking some sort of crime has been committed. But has it? Of course it hasn’t! Let’s have a close look at this. The Catalan leaders were sentenced for sedition, a “crime” no longer contemplated in most civilized states. But what stands out most about the sentence is its arbitrary and biased nature. Firstly, in the fact that the principle “offence” being judged here -calling a Referendum- had previously been suppressed from the Spanish penal code. Secondly, because there fails to be any clear evidence of violence or embezzlement to justify any kind of prison sentence. And lastly –and this is the most devastating thing for Madrid- because when Swiss, Belgian, Geman and Scottish courts have been called upon to extradite other exiled Catalan leaders, none of them recognized as “crimes” any of Madrid’s accusations. Neither has the United Nations, which, along with Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, have as repeatedly as unheededly called for the prisoners’ instant release. Let’s come out with it for once and for all. These people have been sentenced to one hundred years in prison for entirely political reasons. They have been condemned because they took steps to counter Spain’s age-old refusal to respond politically to their petitions. And these petitions were not outlandish but ones based on rights included in international agreements which Spain had to sign to achieve international homologation as a democratic state. OK, the defendants were disobedient to Spanish judicial organs that bade them refrain. We all know that. But according even to Spanish law, disobedience can only be penalized with fines and a temporary suspension from office. Never twelve years in a Spanish prison! Anyway, haven’t Spanish governments been equally disobedient to other key rulings issued by Spain’s Constitutional Court over the years, many of which favourable to Catalonia? Why was there no prosecution here, may one ask? What we have in Spain, therefore, is a situation of discrimination suffered by minorities through the clearly bogus use of the judiciary. Spain’s justice system is scandalously warped. Members of the key judicial bodies are appointed by the major parties to which they subsequently owe obedience. Besides, these bodies are at the service of the mantra of National Unity, a “value” placed above Democracy. The most poignant exemple of this can be seen in the fate run by the 2006 Catalan Statute. It was passed both at the ballots and in the Catalan and Spanish parliaments. Indeed, it was even sanctioned by the father of the present king, whose TV rants against Catalonia might even have raised eyebrows in heyday Serbia. But the Statute was subsequently mutilated by a very controversial 2010 Constitutional Court ruling at the initiative of PP. This left Catalonia stranded with the remains of a Statute that no one had actually voted, a situation of judicial limbo that would be considered intolerable in any other context. But if it meant weakening the political position of the Catalan institutions and people, exposing the country to degrees of fiscal spoliation unparalleled in any other European territory (other than Mallorca), this was certainly not going to make anyone in the Madrid establishment lose any sleep. Particularly upsetting for democrats is the case of social leaders Jordi Cuixart and Jordi Sanchez, populaly referred to as the “Jordis”. They have inexplicably been sentenced to nine years prison. This is surely one of the great judicial scandals of the last decade in the so-called democratic world. Cuixart is president of Òmnium Cultural, an 160.000-strong cultural association that, along with the Catalan National Assembly, has become the main social catalyst behind the independence Process arising in 2012. Jordi Sánchez is the former president of the powerful Catalan National Assembly. Together they organized the vast peaceful demonstrations for self-determination that have been one of the political media sensations of the last decade. The Jordis’ only “offences” have been to lead these peaceful movements. The State grabbed at the opportunity of framing them when, on September 20th 2017, they led a peaceful protest against what was seen as provocative judicial-political actions aimed at derailing the October 1st Referendum. With their driver’s permission, they stood on the roof of a police vehicle -the only vantage point available- to call on angry demonstrators to disperse. This after a day in which their principle activity had been to organize access lanes for police to enter and search the Catalan Ministry of the Economy. Nine years prison for this? That is preposterous. Like the other sentences, it can only be put down to Spain’s renowned thirst for vengeance. Spain claims to be a State of Law and a democratic country. It even claims to rank high on several international gauges for democratic standards. But what are the criteria on which these gauges are drawn up? Who decides this? Independent agents or politically loaded lobbies? What many see in Spain is a mess. A real mess. Why ? Because it is a State built upon the foundations of a dictatorship. I ask, have those patting Spain on the back taken into account how the current regime was created? And the economic and political repercussions that lead off from that origin today? Can we accept that none of Franco’s crimes have been judged while the sentences applied against Republicans have yet to be officially annulled? Have they taken into account who took the decision, well into the new Millenium, that those sentences should not be annulled? Do they know Spain comes second only to Cambodia as regards the number of those a dictatorship caused to disappear? What of Spain’s sinister record as regards mass war graves? Do they know that there are still a staggering figure of over one hundred thousand unidentified victims of Franco repression to whom successive Madrid governments have shown unblushing indifference? Parallel to this, do they know Spain has just ratified perpetual duchies for the families of Franco and Primo de Rivera, the founder of the Spanish Fascist party? Do they know 1066 Catalan voters were injured by police truncheons as they waited to vote at the 2017 Referendum? Do they know about the Gag Law (Llei Mordassa) that severely limits freedom of expression and other laws that Spain’s recent governments have implemented to persecute political oponents and restict Human Rights? Do they know that Spain has prosecuted more artists, rappers and singers for their work than countries like Iran or China? No matter how degraded the international situation has become, Spain still holds every right to score highly on gauges measuring poor democratic standards worldwide. Indeed, uncomfortably close to those of a dictatorship. I’m not going to be the first to say this. But it must be insisted that the Catalan cause has little to do with nationalist identity. And a lot to do with Democracy. Indeed, since the beginning of the Process, a trickle of politicians and intellectuals worldwide have come to see this. The Catalan revolution is not the result of selfish jingoim. It represents a positive push in the direction of a truer from of participative Democracy. It is also a way of escaping from a hostile environament in which Catalonia has been humiliated and her bid for progress and freedom in many ways flaunted. So that trickle has rapidly become a steady stream and threatens to become a flood. Despite the Spanish government’s feverish attempts to discredit Catalonia and save Spain’s face (via government propaganda agencies such as #Españaglobal), Catalonia is clearly winning the battle of public opinion. As demostrations worldwide have so far shown, it is increasingly seen as a cause many can sympathize with. The people of Catalonia want to be able to decide their own future and, since 1989, have been demanding their right to do so. This claim seems all the more legitimate when we consider the fate of Catalonia’s last ten presidents since 1931. Five of them suffered periods of exile, four spells in prison, one execution and almost all fines, suspension or contempt from Madrid. The Catalan cause, therefore, and its rejection by Madrid, is nothing new. And Spanish governments of different colours have always responded to it in a similarly repressive fashion. It is on the Catalan side that the changes are more visible. As Spain continues to make all the same old mistakes in handling the Catalan issue -mistakes that many now consider irreparable with the new sentences- Catalans are increasingly spurred on along the road to independence. No one is giving up because Spain is allowing them no other option. Toni Strubell i Trueta, author of “What Catalans Want”

abril 16
Mirarem de fer-ho bé. Un honor ser un convidat del Sant Jordia Berlín juntament amb Maria Comas i els Manel, que actuaran el dia 23.

abril 16
Josep Casadellà, el veí d'Anglès (Selva) que va promoure el vídeo promou la insubmissó al pagament dels peatges ha estat retingut entre dues, mentre els responsables del peatge han avisat els Mossos d'Esquadra. Això ha passat a l'autopista AP-7, segons que ha relatat ell mateix al seu Twitter.

El veí d'Anglès (La Selva) ha declarat al diari Ara que "No sóc el Serrallonga de l'autopista i els peatges" i que considera simbòlica la seva protesta i assegura que no es tracta d'un desafiament ni provoca cap tipus de situació violenta amb els encarregats dels peatges. Segons Casadellà, els treballadors del peatge "Tenen un protocol. Eviten l'enfrontament. Et demanen el DNI i et deixen marxar." Una acció simbòlica que per ara no ha provocat cap reclamació posterior de la concessionària d'autopistes.

Casadellà va realitzar el vídeo amb una acció rodona: el conductor senzillament etzibava al cobrador del peatge d'una autopista indeterminada “No vull pagar. Perquè penso que és injust haver de pagar. Hi ha una discriminació i a Madrid no estan pagant...(...) Fins que ells no paguin o tots deixem de pagar, doncs jo en principi no penso pagar.” El conductor avançava tranquil·lament i passava la barrera del peatge.

El vídeo està acompanyat de la música de l'himne nacional Els Segadors i s'inicia amb el títol “Bona nit. NO VULL PAGAR!”

Al vídeo penjat al Youtube es dóna una breu explicació sobre aquesta acció insubmissa, potser inspirada en el Tancament de Caixes del segle XIX pel seu component patriòtic i de justícia: “Prou deixar passar temps, fa 40 anys que paguem aquesta autopista. És una concessió per pagar la construcció i s'ha convertit en una font d'ingressos per a l'empresa privada. La sola gosadia d'insinuar que es poden allargar els temps per pagar el desgavell de Madrid ens hauria de portar a la revolta.”

abril 15



El diputat Toni Strubell se suma a l'acte i felicita els promotors de la insubmissió fiscal a Espanya 

Aquest dissabte una bona colla d'adherits de la secció local de SI a Tarragona han dut a terme una trobada per commemorar el 81è aniversari de la proclamació de la República Catalana. 

El punt culminant d'aquesta trobada ha estat el dinar celebrat al Restaurant de l'Andreu Bartolomé  i la Maria Casademunt a Siurana (el Priorat). D'aquesta manera Solidaritat ha volgut mostrar el suport a la iniciativa DIEMPROU.CAT, de la qual l'Andreu i la Maria en són els principals impulsors, i que consisteix en deixar de pagar els impostos a l'estat espanyol per passar a fer-ho a l'Agència Tributària de Catalunya. 

L'acte ha comptat a més amb la presència del president de SI i diputat al Parlament de Catalunya, Toni Strubell, i del president del Consell Nacional de Solidaritat Catalana per la Independència, el secuitenc Albert Pereira.